Excerpt : Preface: What Happened to Us?
about us we can clearly see now that the West is passing away.
single century, all the great houses of continental Europe fell. All the
empires that ruled the world have vanished. Not one European nation, save
Muslim Albania, has a birthrate that will enable it to survive through the
century. As a share of world population, peoples of European ancestry have been
shrinking for three generations. The character of very Western nation is being
irremediably altered as each undergoes an unresisted invasion from the Third
World. We are slowly disappearing from the Earth.
lost the will to rule, Western man seems to be losing the will to live as a
unique civilization as he feverishly indulges in La Dolce Vita, with a yawning
indifference as to who might inherit the Earth he once ruled.
happened to us? What happened to our world?
the twentieth century opened, the West was everywhere supreme. For four hundred
years, explorers, missionaries, conquerors and colonizers departed Europe for
the four corners of the Earth to erect empires that were to bring the blessings
and benefits of Western civilization to all mankind. In Rudyard Kipling's
lines, it was special duty of Anglo-Saxon peoples to fight "The savage
wars of peace/ Fill full the mouth of Famine/ And bid the sickness cease."
These empires were the creations of a self-confident race of men.
became of those men?
in the last century, Western man suffered a catastrophic loss of faith—in
himself, in his civilization, and in the faith that gave it birth.
Christianity is dying in the West, being displaced by a militant secularism,
seems undeniable, though the reasons remain in dispute. But there is no dispute
about the physical wounds that may yet prove mortal. These were World Wars I
and II, two phases of a Thirty Years' War future historians will call the Great
Civil War of the West. Not only did these two wars carry off scores of millions
of the best and bravest of the West, they gave birth to the fanatic ideologies
of Leninism, Stalinism, Nazism and Fascism, whose massacres of the people they
misruled accounted for more victims than all of the battlefield deaths in ten
years of fighting.
quarter century ago, Charles L. Mee, Jr., began his End of Order: Versailles
1919 by describing the magnitude of what was first called the Great War:
"World War I had been a tragedy on a dreadful scale. Sixty five million
men were mobilized--more by many millions than had ever been brought to war
before--to fight a war they had been told, of justice and honor, of national
pride and of great ideals, to wage a war that would end all war, to establish
an entirely new order of peace and equity in the world."
then detailed the butcher's bill.
November 11, 1918, when the armistice that marked the end of the war was
signed, eight million soldiers lay dead, twenty million more were wounded,
diseased, mutilated, or spitting blood from gas attacks. Twenty-two million
civilians had been killed or wounded, and the survivors were living in villages
blasted to splinters and rubble, on farms churned in mud, their cattle dead.
Belgrade, Berlin and Petrograd, the survivors fought among themselves--fourteen
wars, great and small, civil or revolutionary, flickered or raged about the
casualty rate in the Great War was ten times what it had been in America's
Civil War, the bloodiest war of Western man in the nineteenth's century. And at
the end of the Great War an influenza epidemic, spread by returning soldiers,
carried off fourteen million more Europeans and Americans. In one month of
1914—"the most terrible August in the history of the world," said
Sir Arthur Conan Doyle—"French casualties . . . are believed to have totaled
two hundred sixty thousand of whom seventy five thousand were killed (twenty
seven thousand on August 22 alone)." France would fight on and in the
fifty one months the war would last would lost 1.3 million sons, with twice
that number wounded, maimed or crippled. The quadrant of the country northeast
of Paris resembled a moonscape.
losses in America today would be eight million dead, sixteen million wounded,
and all the land east of Ohio and north of the Potomac unrecognizable. Yet the
death and destruction of the Great War would be dwarfed by the genocides of
Lenin, Stalin, Hitler, and what the war of 1939-1945 would do to Italy,
Germany, Poland, Ukraine, the Baltic and Balkan nations, Russia, and all of
Europe from the Pyrenees to the Urals.
questions this book addresses are huge but simple: Were these two world wars,
the mortal wounds we inflicted upon ourselves, necessary wars? Or were they wars
of choice? And if they were wars of choice, who plunged us into these hideous
and suicidal world wars that advanced the death of our civilization? Who are
the statesmen responsible for the death of the West?
Hitler, Great Britain was Germany's natural ally and the nation the most
admired. He did not covet British colonies. He did not want or seek a fleet to
rival the Royal Navy. he did not wish to bring down the British Empire. He was
prepared to appease Britain to make her a friend of Germany. Where the Kaiser
has grudgingly agreed in 1913 to restrict the High Seas fleet to 60 percent of
the Royal Navy, Hitler in 1935 readily agreed to restrict his navy to 35
percent. What Hitler ever sought was an allied, friendly, or at least neutral
in 1922 with a publisher friendly to the Nazi party, Hitler "ruled out the
colonial rivalry with Britain that had caused conflict before the First World
War." Said Hitler, "Germany would have to adapt herself to a purely
continental policy, avoiding harm to English interests."
late 1922," Kershaw wrote, "an alliance with Britain, whose world
empire he admired, was in [Hitler's] mind. This idea had sharpened in 1923 when
the disagreements of the British and French over the Ruhr occupation became
fought the "Tommies" on the Western Front, he admired their martial
qualities. Nor was Churchill unaware of "Hitler's notorious Anglomania and
his almost servile admiration of British imperialism..."
biographer Allan Bullock summarizes his grand strategy:
Mein Kampf Hitler had written:
a long time to come there will be only two Powers in Europe with which it may
be possible for Germany to conclude and alliance. These powers are Great
Britain and Italy." The greatest blunder of the Kaiser's government—prophetic
words—had been to quarrel with Britain and Russia at the same time: Germany's
future lay on the east . . . and her natural ally was Great Britain, whose power
was colonial, commercial, and naval with no territorial interests on the
continent of Europe. "Only by alliance with England was it possible
(before 1914) to safeguard the rear of the German crusade... No sacrifice
should have been considered too great, if it was a necessary means of gaining
England's friendship. Colonial and naval ambitions should have been abandoned.
dream of an Anglo-German alliance would stay with Hitler even when he was at
war with Great Britain:
during the war Hitler persisted in believing that an alliance with Germany...
was in Britain's own interest, continually expressed his regret that the
British had been so stupid as not to see this, and never gave up the hope that
he would be able to overcome their obstinacy and persuade them to accept his
Roy Denman came to the same conclusion:
Hitler . . .
had no basic quarrel wit Britain. Unlike William II, he had no wish from the
outset to rival the British navy, nor covet the British Empire. His
territorial aims were in Central and Eastern Europe and further east. He could
never understand why the British constantly sought to interfere.
Patrick Buchanan has been a senior advisor to three presidents, twice a candidate for the Republican presidential nomination, and the nominee of the Reform Party in 2000.
Born in Washington, D.C., Mr. Buchanan was educated at Gonzaga High School where he was graduated first in his class in 1956. He attended Georgetown on a full academic scholarship, and was graduated with honors in English and Philosophy in 1961, and inducted into the university’s Gold Key Society. He received a master's degree from the Graduate School of Journalism at Columbia in 1962. At 23, he became the youngest editorial writer on a major newspaper in America: The St. Louis Globe-Democrat.
After arranging a meeting with former Vice President Richard Nixon in December of 1965, Mr. Buchanan became the first full-time staffer in his legendary comeback. He traveled with the future President in the campaigns of 1966 and 1968, and to the Middle East, Africa, and Israel in the immediate aftermath of the Six Day War. From January of 1969 to August of 1974, he was a Special Assistant to President Nixon, and worked with the president on the Cambodian invasion speech and with Vice President Agnew on many of his speeches on the media and student disorders.
Mr. Buchanan was a member of the official US delegation to the Peoples Republic of China in 1972, and attended the Moscow-Yalta-Minsk summit of 1974. After President Nixon’s resignation, Mr. Buchanan served President Ford until October of 1974.
After leaving the White House, Mr. Buchanan became a nationally syndicated columnist, and in May of 1982 began as a panelist on NBC’s “The McLaughlin Group” and a co-host of CNN’s new show “Crossfire.”
In 1985, Mr. Buchanan returned to the White House as Director of Communications. He accompanied President Reagan to his Geneva summit with Mikhail Gorbachev and was with President Reagan in Hofde House at Reykjavik, which has been described as the decisive summit of the Cold War. On leaving the White House in 1987, Mr. Buchanan returned to journalism, his syndicated column, and to “The McLaughlin Group,” “Crossfire,” and began hosting a new show, “Capital Gang” on CNN.
In December 1991, Mr. Buchanan challenged President George H. W. Bush for the Republican nomination and almost upset the president in New Hampshire, winning 3 million votes in the GOP primaries. In August 1992, Mr. Buchanan opened the Republican convention in Houston with his speech on the “culture war,” which is now ranked among the most controversial in convention history. In 1996, he ran a second time for the GOP nomination, won the New Hampshire primary, and finished second to Sen. Dole, again, with 3 million Republican votes.
After winning the nomination of the Reform Party in 2000, Mr. Buchanan retired from politics and became again an author, columnist, and a commentator on MSNBC for almost a decade.
Mr. Buchanan has written 14 books, including seven straight New York Times bestsellers: A Republic, Not an Empire; The Death of the West; Where the Right Went Wrong, State of Emergency, Day of Reckoning, Churchill, Hitler and The Unnecessary War, Suicide of a Superpower and The Greatest Comeback: How Richard Nixon Rose from Defeat to Create the New Majority. His newest book is Nixon’s White House Wars.
Mr. Buchanan is currently an author, columnist, chairman of The American Cause foundation, and an editor of The American Conservative. He is married to the former Shelley Ann Scarney, who was a member of Richard Nixon’s vice presidential staff from 1959-61 and a member of the White House Staff from 1969 to 1975.